Does game theory have predictive power?  The place to start if you want to examine this question is the theory of zero sum games where the predictions are robust:  you play the minimax strategy:  the one that maximizes your worst-case payoff.  (This is also the unique Nash equilibrium prediction.)

The theory has some striking and counterintuitive implications.  Here’s one.  Take the game rock-scissors-paper.  The loser pays $1 to the winner.  As you would expect, the theory says each should play each strategy with 1/3 probability.  This ensures that each player is indifferent among all three strategies.

Now, for the counterintuitive part, suppose that an outsider will give you an extra 50 cents if you play rock (not a zero-sum game anymore but bear with me for a minute), regardless of the other guy’s choice.  What happens now?  You are no longer indifferent among your three strategies, so your opponent’s behavior must change.  He must now play paper with higher probability in order to reduce your incentive to play rock and restore your indifference.  Your behavior is unchanged.

Things are even weirder if we change both players’ payoffs at the same time.  Take the game matching pennies.  You and your opponent hold a penny and secretly place it with either heads or tails facing up.  If the pennies match you get $1 from your opponent.  If they don’t match you pay $1.

Suppose we change the payoffs so that now you receive $2 from your opponent if you match heads-heads.  All other outcomes are the same as before.  (The game is still zero-sum) What happens?  Like with RSP, your opponent must play heads less often in order to reduce your incentive to play heads.  But since your opponent’s payoffs have also changed, your behavior must change too.  In fact you must play heads with lower probability, because the payoffs have now made him prefer tails to heads.

How can we examine this prediction in the field?  There is a big problem because usually we only observe outcomes and not the players’ payoffs which might vary day-to-day depending on conditions only known to them.  To see what I mean, consider the game-within-a-game between a pitcher and a runner on first base in baseball.  The runner wants to steal second,  the pitcher wants to stop him.  The pitcher decides whether to try a pick-off or pitch to the batter.  The runner decides whether to try and steal.

When he runs and the pitcher throws to the plate, the chance that he beats the throw from the catcher depends on how fast he is and how good the catcher is, and other details.  Thus, the payoff to the strategy choices (steal, pitch) is something we cannot observe.  We just see whether he steals succesfully.

But there is still a testable prediction, even without knowing anything about these payoffs.  By direct analogy to matching pennies, a faster runner will try to steal less often than a slower runner.  And the pitcher will more often try to pick off the faster runner at first base.  Therefore, in the data there will be correlation between the pitcher’s behavior and the runner’s.  If the pitcher is throwing to first more frequently, that is correlated with a faster runner which in turn predicts that the runner tries to steal less often.

This correlation across players (in aggregate data) is a prediction that I believe has never been tested.  (It’s strange to think of non-cooperative play of a zero-sum game as generating correlation across players.)  And while many studies have failed to reject some basic implications of zero-sum game theory, I would be very surprised if this prediction were not soundly rejected in the data.

(The pitcher-runner game may not be the ideal place to do this test, can anyone think of another good, binary zero-sum game where there is good data?)

Do you use opt-in or opt-out? That is, do you agree to meet unless one or more of the group calls and says they can’t make it, or do you agree only if enough of you call and say they can make it?

With opt-out each person has insufficient incentive to make the call. If she has already decided not to go, courtesy is the only motive for informing the others. Moreover even if she is courteous, since the call could kill the meeting, if she is not 100% sure she can’t make it, she has a private incentive to wait until the last minute to make the call, just in case.

With opt-in each person has stronger incentives to try to coordinate. Because if I want to go to the meeting and I don’t make the call it might not happen.

So, returning to the question in the title, it all depends on what you want. Opt-out minimizes the chance that the meeting will be cancelled, but probably also at the expense of minimizing attendance.

Continuing our trade theme, in honor of Krugman’s profile in the New Yorker, an old Krugman song –

My parents are visiting from England.  My father arrived with a loose molar which had to be removed.  We do not know good dentists in the area and my father does not have American dental insurance.  We settled on TUFTS Medical School’s Emergency Dental Center for the extraction.  Three and a half hours later we were out of there, leaving one molar and $180 dollars in our wake.

My father thinks he now needs an implant so I quickly checked out options:

1. A New York Times ad offered an implant for $1000 (not including the crown).

2. In the U.K. it costs about the same.

3. Given the high prices in the U.K. and U.S., an attractive option is to go to Hungary.  A quick search suggested  a price of $700 for an implant.  So, you can go to Budapest for a bit of a holiday and get your grotty teeth dealt with at the same time.

Why is Hungary so cheap? One nice thing about trade in dentists services is that it largely must be one way: Hungarians aren’t going to Britain to go to dentists!  This makes it different from other products like cars which countries export and import simultaneously.  This is hard to explain with traditional trade theory.  The traditional theory should be adequate for trade in dental services though.  Ricardian trade theory suggests differences in technology drive trade patterns.  Is that the explanation? Heckscher-Olin’s theory of trade instead assumes technology is the same across countries and differences in endowments drive trade patterns.  Is the endowment of dentists large in Hungary?  At this point, I’m stuck.

I spent last week at UCSD where the weather was spectacular and academic life seems to consist of going for walks with everybody you know, in sequence.

I am recovering from hamstring tendonitis (the walks helped a lot, as did the weather and especially the company!) so I walk a little slower than usual.  I noticed something about how a small group deals with a slowpoke on a walk.  It starts out with everybody going at their usual pace and then noticing that I am falling behind.  Eventually everybody slows down to my pace, however I am always one or two steps behind.

Its not an equilibrium for the faster walkers to stay even with the slow poke, but it also not an equilibrium for them to walk at a faster speed and increase the gap beyond more than a few steps.  Its as if some minimum distance is necessary to remind them that they can’t walk at their natural speed.

I even found myself slightly out front of Joel Sobel when we went for our walk.  He has a broken leg.

We tend to think of intellectual property law as targeted mostly at big ideas with big market value.  But for every big idea there are zillions of little ideas whose value adds up to more.  Little ideas are little because they are either self-contained and make marginal contributions or they are small steppingstones, to be combined with other little ideas, which eventually are worth a lot.

It’s now cheap to spread little ideas.  Whereas before even very small communication costs made most of them prohibitively expensive to share.  In some cases this is good, but in some cases it can be bad.

When it comes to the nuts and bolts kinds of ideas, like say how to use perl to collect data on the most popular twitter clients, ease of dissemination is good and intellectual property is bad.  IP protection would mean that the suppliers of these ideas would withold lots of them in order to profit from the remainder.  Without IP protection there is no economic incentive to keep them to yourself and the infinitessimal cost of sharing them is swamped by even the tiniest pride/warm glow motives.

Now the usual argument in favor of IP protection is that it provides an economic incentive for generating these ideas.  But we are talking about ideas that don’t come from research in the active sense of that word.  They are the byproduct of doing work.  When its cheap to share these ideas, IP protection gets in the way.

The exact same argument applies to many medium-sized ideas as well.  And music.

But there are ideas that are pure ideas.  They have no value whatsoever except as ideas.  For example, a story.  Or basic research.  The value of a pure idea is that it can change minds.  Ideas are most effective at changing minds when they arrive with a splash and generate coordinated attention.  If some semblance of the idea existed in print already, then even a very good elaboration will not make a splash.  “That’s been said/done before.”

Its too easy now to spread 1/nth-baked little ideas.  Before, when communication costs were high it took investment in polishing and marketing to bring the idea to light.  So ideas arrived slowly enough for coordinated attention, and big enough to attract it.  Now, there will soon be no new ideas.

Blogs will interfere with basic research, especially in the social sciences.

When it comes to ideas, here’s one way to think about IP and incentives to innovate.  It’s true that any single individual needs extra incentive to spend his time actively trying to figure something out.  That’s hard and it takes time.  But, given the number of people in the world, 99.999% of the ideas that would be generated by active research would almost certainly just passively occur to at least one individual.

A great random find.  Purchased tax free at a New Hampshire state liqour store.  Cabernet based Bordeaux from a great vintage and drunk young.  Velvety and rich on the palette.  Cherry as well as the ubiquitous blackberry.  Pepper and celery at the end.  Around $25.   I’m going to buy it up if I can find it again.

  1. Gonzo tech support call.
  2. Please burglarize me.
  3. The surgical path to nirvana.
  4. Sex at MIT.

India has proposed a new round of talks with Pakistan.  The last meaningful talks in 2007 led to a thawing of relations and real progress till everything was brought to a grinding halt by the terrorist attacks in Mumbai.

What are the payoffs and incentives for the two countries?   David Ignatius ar the Washington Post offers this analysis:

“The India-Pakistan standoff is like one of those game-theory puzzles where both nations would be better off if they could overcome suspicions and cooperate — in this case, by helping the United States to stabilize the tinderbox of Afghanistan. If Indian leaders meet this challenge, they could open a new era in South Asia; if not, they may watch Pakistan and Afghanistan sink deeper into chaos, and pay the price later.”

The quote offers a theory for how India might gain from peace but what about Pakistan?  Pakistan cannot be treated as a unitary actor.  Some part of the elite and perhaps even the general population may gain from an easing of tension and a permanent peace with India.  But the Pakistani military has quite different interests.  The military dominate Pakistan politically and economically.  Their rationale for resources, power and prestige relies on perpetual war not perpetual peace.  Sabotage is a better strategy for them than cooperation with India.  The underlying game is not the Prisoner’s Dilemma.

Military payoffs have to be aligned with economic payoffs to encourage cooperation.  Economic growth can also generate the surplus to bankroll a bigger army.  A poor country needs the threat of war to divert valuable resources into defense.  But a rich country does not.

  1. Because I am starved for attention.
  2. Because I am a showoff.
  3. Because now that I have invented so many reasons to justify why I am doing it, the cognitive dissonance by itself is a prohibitive exit barrier.

OKCupid is a dating site that has attracted attention by analyzing data from its users and publicizing interesting analyses on its blog.  For example,  a lot of traffic to their site came from this article on the profile photos that generated the most responses.

Mr. Yagan and three other Harvard mathematicians founded OkCupid in 2004. In its fight against much bigger competitors like Match.com, PlentyOfFish and eHarmony, it has tried a number of marketing techniques, often with little success. But the blog, which OkCupid started in October, has helped get the company’s name out on other blogs and social networks. A post last month that set out to debunk conventional wisdom about profile pictures brought more than 750,000 visitors to the site and garnered 10,000 new member sign-ups, according to the company.

But wouldn’t I worry that (my ideal mate would worry that her ideal mate would worry that…) the clientele this will appeal too is a tad too geek-heavy?  (via Jacob Grier)

Roland Eisenhuth told me that when he was very young, the first time he had an examination in school his mother told him that she knew a secret for good luck.  She leaned in and spit over his shoulder.  This would give him an advantage on the exam, she told him.

Indeed it gave him a lot of confidence and confidence helped him do well on the exam.  For every school examination after that until he left for University, his mother would spit over his shoulder and he would do well.

Here are the ingredients for a performance-related superstition.   Something unusual is done before a performance, say a baseball player has chicken for dinner, and by chance he has a good game.  Probably just a fluke.  Just in case, he tries it again.  Maybe it doesn’t repeat the second time, but maybe he does have another dose of luck and it “pays off” again.  And there’s always a chance it repeats enough times in a row that its too unlikely to be a statistical fluke.

Now once you believe that chicken makes you a good hitter, you approach each game with confidence.  And confidence makes you a good hitter.  From now on, luck is no longer required:  your confidence means that chicken dinner correlates with a good game. And you won’t have reason to experiment any further so there will be no learning about the no-chicken counterfactual.

If you are a coach (or a parent) you want to instill superstitions in your student.  My wife has been stressing about our third-grade daughter’s first big standardized test coming up in a couple weeks.  Not me.  I am just going to spit over her shoulder.

1. Long arm of the Mossad – a brief history and a longer one.

2. The quality of suicide bombers is declining in Afghanistan.  Perhaps it is because:

The martyrdom testament videos that are so common in other countries are unknown here. “Such individual recognition,” said the United Nations report, “is largely absent in Afghanistan.” Instead, these suicide bombers are buried secretly at a potter’s field in a wasteland at the foot of a mountain, at Kol-e-Hashmat Khan, a neighborhood of junkyards on the outskirts of Kabul. A policeman on duty there said no one ever visited. Many of the unmarked graves have been dug open by starving dogs, which feast on the remains.

3. Why did Pakistan turn over key Afghan Taliban commander?

I saw it on the plane yesterday.  Very funny, very insightful, somewhat disjointed at the end.

Forgive me for doing the game theorist’s equivalent of spoiling a time-travel movie by pointing out the paradoxes, but the main premise of the story rests on some shaky epistemology.

Nobody ever lies, but what really drives the plot is that everybody is perfectly credulous.  Does it follow?  Partially:  if everybody has always been honest and you cannot conceive of the possiblity that anyone would lie, then yes you should assume that everything you hear is truthful.

But that’s not the same as the truth.  Take for example the scene in which Gervais’ character lies to the bank teller.  He tells her that he has $800 in his account.  She looks up his account on the computer which says that he has only $300.  What should she conclude?

She has to consider the possible scenarios that could have led to this contradiction and decide which is most likely.  She must believe that he is being truthful and the movie assumes that this leads her to the conclusion that the computer is wrong and he is right.  But surely people have often been mistaken even if they have always been truthful.  And so another scenario is that the computer is right and he is making an honest mistake.

Indeed it is probably more common that people make honest mistakes than computer records are wrong.  So that is the most likely explanation and its what the teller should have concluded.  And this kind of inferential dilemma underlies most of the movie.

In a world where everybody is honest but nobody is omniscient, someone who starts lying will sooner be viewed as delusional than a prophet.

Or more generally, does your initial job placement matter for your long-term success?  Or does “bad luck” on the job market eventually wash out?  A 2006 paper from Paul Oyer looks at this question.

In this paper, I show that initial career placement matters a great deal in determining the careers of economists. Each place higher in rank of initial insti-tution causes an economist to work at an institution ranked 0.6 places higher in the time period from three to 15 years later. Also, the fact that an economist originally gets a job at a top-50 institution makes that economist 60 percent more likely to work at a top-50 school later in his or her career. While it would obviously come as no surprise to find that economists at higher-ranked schools have higher research output, I will present evidence that for a given economist—that is, holding innate ability constant— obtaining an initial placement at a higher-ranked institution leads to greater professional productivity.

He circumvents the obvious endogeneity issue:  there may be some measure of your quality that can’t be observed in the data and then lower initial placement is going to be correlated with lower intrinsic quality.  The way he gets around this is to compare cohorts in strong-market years with cohorts from weaker years.  Suppose that the business cycle is uncorrelated with your intrinsic skill and bad times means worse than usual placement.  Then the same quality worker will have worse placement in weak-market years.

In fact, Oyer finds that students who enter the market in weak years are less successful even in the long run.  This is evidence that their initial placement mattered.

There remain some selection problems, however.  For example, students have choice over which year to enter the market.  It could be that, anticipating the worse placements, the best students enter the market a year before a downturn or wait a year after.  Also, in bad years the best students might find altogether better alternatives than academia and go to the private sector.

Here’s my idea for a different instrument:  couples.  It often happens that a student on the market has a spouse who is seeking a job in the private sector.  Finding a good job in the same city for both partners is more constraining than a solo search and typically the student will have to compromise, taking their seond- or third-best offer.

If being married at the time of entering the market is uncorrelated with your unobservable talent as an economist, then a difference in the long-run success of PhDs with dual searches would be evidence of the effect of initial placement.

(I would focus on academic-private sector couples.  In an academic-academic couple, the two quite often market themselves as a bundle to the same institution and the worse of the two gets a better placement than he would if he were solo.  But it would be interesting to compare academic-academics to academic-private.)

(Casquette cast:  Seema Jayachandran)

You are a student living in a small room with no closet.  All of your clothes sit on the floor. You can never remember if they are clean or dirty, and each day you have to decide whether to do the laundry or just throw something on.

If your strategy in these circumstance is to always do the laundry, you will be doing laundry every day, often washing clothes that are already clean.  On the other hand if your strategy is to dress and go your clothes will never get clean.

Instead you have to randomize.  If you wash with probability p then p is the probability you will be wearing clean clothes on any given day.  Of course you would like p=1, but then you are doing laundry with probability 1 every day.  Your optimal p is strictly between 0 and 1 and trades off the probability of clean clothes p versus the probability of washing clothes that are already clean.  (The latter is equal to the probability these clothes are clean, p, multiplied by the probability you wash them, again p so it’s p².)

The same logic applies to:

  1. I’ve been standing here in the shower for what must be a good 30 minutes; singing, sleeping, or absorbed in a proof that doesn’t work and I have forgotten whether I washed my hair. (shower cap nod:  David K. Levine)
  2. Its dark and I lost count of how many intersections I’ve crossed and I know I have to turn left somewhere to get home. (The classic example, due to Piccione and Rubinstein.)
  3. When was the last time I called my mother?
  4. etc…

The sound of David Grisman’s mandolin is violet and indigo and generally vibrates in the short-wavelength end of the color spectrum.  (wait for around the 1 minute mark, after the intro-noodling.)

1.  How did Obama lose his groove?  May require free registration at FT

2. The Queen can stop the next financial crisis.

3. Simple game theoretic analysis of health care reform.

eBay combines a proxy bidding system with minimum bid increments.  These interact in a peculiar way.  If you have placed the first bid of $5 and the seller’s reserve is $1, then the initial bid is recorded at $1.  Your true bid of $5 is kept secret and the system will bid for you (by “proxy”) until someone raises the price above $5.

Now I come along and bid, say $2.  That’s not enough to outbid your $5, so you remain the high-bidder but the price is raised.  In this case it is raised to $2 plus the minimum increment, say $0.50, provided that sum is less than your bid.  In this case it is.  But suppose the next bidder comes along and bids $4.75.  Again you have not been outbid and so you remain the high bidder but in this case $4.75 + $0.50 is larger than $5, and when this happens the price is raised only to equal your bid, $5.

So, if you are bidding and your bid was not high enough to displace the high bidder but the price didn’t rise by the minimum increment above your bid, then the new price is exactly the (previously secret) bid of the high bidder.  If you happen to also be the person selling the object up for sale and you are shill bidding, now is the time to stop because you have just raised the price to extract all of the surplus of the high bidder.

Notice how, as a shill bidder, you can incrementally bid the price up and, in most cases, hit but never overshoot the high bid.  (“In most cases” because you must outbid the current price by the minimum increment and you get unlucky if the high bid falls in that gap.  A good guess is that the high bidder is bidding in dollar denominations.  If that is the case you can guarantee a perfect shill.)

This is discussed in a paper by Joseph Engelberg and Jared Williams (Kellogg PhDs.)  The authors have a simple way to detect sellers who using shills in this way and they estimate that at least 1.3% of all bids are shill bids.

Homburg hail:  barker.

  1. Underdog theory debunked.
  2. What to look for in a marriage partner.
  3. Heart, broken.
  4. suffix-tastic.
  5. Management secrets from the Grateful Dead.

Joshua Gans on the grade school ritual (a very entertaining read as usual):

This Friday (12th February) is Valentine’s Day. Now before you say, “oh no it isn’t!” I have to beg to differ. That is the day our two youngest children are, near as I can tell, compelled to bring a Valentine’s card to every other person in the class. The school sent home a convenient list of the some 45 names in total that require cards and the instruction that they be prepared for Friday. And by prepared, you can’t just go to the store, buy a pack and put names on it. Nor can you, as I had wanted to do, draw a card on the computer and hit print (quantity = 45). Each requires individual attention. Suffice it to say, this is an exercise requiring many hours and, frankly, if we didn’t have a snow day today (that is, a day whereupon fear of snow = no school for you), it is unclear whether the household could produce the required amount of love.

And of course the parents wind up doing most of the work.  I would suggest however that schools will push parents to their limits in terms of busy work whether or not that includes making Valentines.  That is,  if the Valentine exchange were banned it would only be replaced by some other after-school craft or chore.

What’s surprising is that Valentines has survived this long in US schools.  It’s too focal and so too easy for parents to coordinate their outrage against.  Whereas yet another assignment to look up native american tribes on the internet just blends in with all the rest.

It has been noted that Kindle best sellers are often ebooks with a price of 0.00.  See for example this New York Times article:

The argument in the article is that the publishers drum up interest in an unknown author and future sales by making the book available for free.  It caught my interest that many of the publishers that follow this strategy are Christian booksellers with a mission that appears to go beyond maximizing profits.

Here are the top 10 Kindle Best Seller from February 10, 2010

The Apothecary’s Daughter, Julie Klassen, Bethany House Publishers, price 0.00
More Blood, More Sweat and Another Cup of Tea, Tom Reynolds, The Friday Project, price 0.00
The Equivoque Principle, Darren Craske, The Friday Project, price 0.00
Talk of the Town, Lisa Wingate, Bethany House, price 0.00
Daisy Chain: A Novel, Mary E. DeMuth, Zondervan, price 0.00
Icy Heat: A Heat series story, Leigh Wyndield, Samhain Publishing, price 0.00
Dear John, Nicholas Sparks, Grand Central Publishing, price 4.39
Kindle Shortcuts, Hidden Features, Kindle-Friendly Websites, Free eBooks & Email from Kindle: Concise User Guide for Kindle 2, MobileReference, price 0.25
The Help, Kathryn Stockett, Putnam Adult, price $8.55,
The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes, Sir Arthur Conan Doyle, Public Domain Books, price 0.00

Of the free (or nearly free) offerings, 3 out of 8, or 38% are published by either Bethany House or Zondervan, both Christian booksellers.  The missions of these booksellers (from their web pages) seem to go beyond profit maximizing, which made me wonder if they are providing books for free on the Kindle to drum up future sales or if the availability of free books with a Christian message is a (somewhat) subtle form of evangelism.  Judge for yourself — the books are free!

Bethany House
Mission
The purpose of Bethany House is to help Christians apply biblical truth in all areas of life—whether through a well-told story, a challenging devotional, or the message of an illustrated children’s book. We are diligently committed to offering the best in editing, design and marketing to make each book as inspiring, challenging, enjoyable and attractive as it can be

Zondervan (a division of Harper Collins):

Our Mission & Values
The Reason We’re Here
Zondervan is a mission-driven and value-based company. Our organizational culture is uniquely centered on biblical principles. All our employees—from entry-level to leadership—are focused on and passionate about upholding the mission and shared values of this company.
OUR MISSION
To be the leader in Christian communications meeting the needs of people with resources that glorify Jesus Christ and promote biblical principles.

  1. Instant gratification:  writing papers takes too long.
  2. Because Tweets are capped at 140 characters.
  3. Its a great way to avoid getting distracted from my work.  I write something at night and then the next morning I am forced to avoid email, twitter, and web surfing in order to shut out all the nasty things people are saying about me in response.

When you look for a digital camera or LCD TV on Amazon, often you can’t see the price till you add it to the shopping cart.  This is a little bit on an inconvenience so why does Amazon do it?

It turns out the producers force Amazon to do it.  Adding the extra step to shopping  has two effects.

First, the prices do not turn up on comparison shopping sites like Pricegrabber.com so it is harder to search for a good deal.  Second, every time you search you incur an extra cost to discover the price at another internet retailer.  These small differences can make a huge difference.

The classic logic for how small search costs can have a dramatic impact on prices is offered by the Diamond search model.  Suppose stores are selling a homogenous good but you do not know the price they set till you visit the store.  Each visit costs you a few pennies in search cost.

If there is no search cost, the unique equilibrium has all stores setting price equal to cost and making no profits on sales.  But this cannot be an equilibrium with positive search costs.  Then, one store can raise its price secretly by a few cents.  Once the customer has entered and sunk his cost of search, he will buy anyway knowing that taking the cost of search into account for his visit to another store, it is not worth it to search.  It is easy to see what any equilibrium must be symmetric, otherwise all consumers will go to the store with the lowest prices and the store with the lowest prices has an incentive to raise them.  So, what is the symmetric equilibrium?  It is the monopoly price!  Only at that price does no store have the incentive to raise the price as it will choke off too much demand.

So, a small search cost leads to a dramatic change in prices from zero profit to monopoly profit.  This conclusion is too stark and it can be made less dramatic by adding product differentiation but the core idea remains the same.  Search costs give firms  some degree of market power and allow them to raise prices.  This is the strategy being attempted on Amazon.  It will be interesting to see how it plays out.

Emotions are Nature’s incentive schemes getting us to do what’s in our evolutionary interest.  But unlike the textbook principal-agent relationship, there is no intrinsic conflict of interest.  The principal gets to design the agent, essentially dictating the terms of the contract. However, in practice the contract is incomplete.  Instead of being programmed with an exhaustive set of instructions for every contingency we are designed to respond to emotions.

This second-best solution has its costs.  For example, fear can kill you.  In fact, your enemies can scare you to death.

Job market interviewing entails a massive duplication of effort.  You interview with each of your potential employers individually imposing costs on them and on you.  Even in the economics PhD job market, a famously efficient matching process, we go through a ridiculous merry-go-round of interviews over an entire weekend.  Each candidate gives essentially the same 30 minute spiel to 20 different recruiting committees.

What if we assigned a single committee to interview every candidate and webcast it to any potentially interested employer?  Most recruiting chairs would applaud this but candidates would hate it.  Both are forgetting some basic information economics.

Candidates hate this idea because with only one interview, a bad performance would ruin their job market.  With many interviews there are certain to be at least a few that go smoothly.  But of course there is a flip-side to both of these.  If the one interview goes very well, they will have a great outcome.  With many interviews there are certain to be a few that go badly.  How do these add up?

Auction theory gives a clear answer.  Let’s rate the quality of an interview in terms of the wage it leads your employer to be willing to pay.  Suppose there are two employers and you give them separate interviews.  Competitive bidding will drive the wage up until one of them drops out.  That will be the lower of the two employer’s willingness to pay.

On the other hand, if both employers saw the outcome of the same interview, then both would have the same willingness to pay equal to the quality of that one interview.  On average the quality of one draw from a distribution is strictly larger than the minimum of two draws from the same distribution.  You get a higher wage on average with a single interview.

What’s going on here is that the private information generated by separate interviews gives each employer some market power, so-called information rents.  By pooling the information you put the employers on equal footing and they compete away all of the gains from employment, to your benefit.

In fact, pooling interviews is even better than this argument suggests due to another basic principle of information economics: the winner’s curse.  When interviews are separate, each employers’ willingness to pay is based on the quality of the interview and whatever he believes was the quality of the other interview.  Both interviews are informative signals of your talent.  Without knowing the quality of the other interview, when bidding for your labor each employer worries that he might win the bidding only because you tanked the other interview.  Since this would be bad news for the winner (hence the curse), each bidder bids conservatively in order to avoid overpaying in such a situation.  Your wage suffers.

By pooling interviews you pool the information and take away any doubts of this form.  Without the winner’s curse, employers can safely bid aggressively for you.

Going back to the original intuition, its true there are upsides and downsides of having separate interviews but the mechanics of competition magnify the downsides through both of these channels, so in the end separate interiews leads to a lower wage on average than if they were pooled.

Perhaps this explains why, despite their grumblings, economics department recruiters are still willing to spend 18 hours locked in a windowless hotel room conducting interviews.

Addendum: A commenter asked about competition by more than two employers.  If six are bidding for you, then eventually the wage has been bid up until four have dropped out of the competition.  The price at which they drop out reveals their information to the two remaining competitors.  At that point  the two-bidder argument applies.

You often hear that an incomplete course of antibiotics can promote the emergence of drug-resistant bacteria.  Patients are told not to stop taking antibiotics just because you feel better but instead to always complete the full dosage.  This is obviously partly for the health of the patient.  But it is also said to guard against drug-resistance.

I have never been able to understand the logic.  So I sat down to try to figure it out.  I came up with one possible answer but it seems second-order to me so I am not sure if its the primary reason.

One thing that seems obvious is that every time you  ingest antibiotics you create natural selection pressure within your body that favors any drug-resistant mutants that are there.  This is why the headline cause of super-bugs is overuse of antibiotics.  For example antibiotics are often prescribed and taken for non-bacterial illnesses like the common cold.  Also, antibiotics are given to livestock that people eventually eat.

But this doesn’t get us to the recommendation to complete your course of antibiotics.  Since the problem is the antibiotics, it tells us to use them as little as possible.  How could it be that the first dose helps the super-bugs, but the last dose hurts them?  They are drug-resistant after all, right?

I used to think that it must be that the selection pressure increases the rate of mutation.  This may be true but I don’t think it’s enough to support the complete-course policy.  Suppose I am halfway done with the recommended dosage and I stop.  My usage so far has encouraged mutations and I may be infected now with a drug-resistant strain.  Now the mutation-inducing effect is irrelevant because the superbugs are already there.  Their natural growth rate is going to dwarf any additional growth due to mutations.

More generally, since every prescription of antibiotics is a public health cost, then every time I continue to take my doses I am creating the same externality.

I finally hit on one idea which has to do with competition within the body among bugs of differing levels of resistance.  Start with this observation.  If I have a super-bug in me and I continue to take anti-biotics, I kill off all the wimpy-bugs leaving the super-bugs to have free reign over my body.  Presumably they grow faster without the competition.  OK.  But that seems again to suggest that, at least from a public health perspective, I should stop taking the drug so that the wimpy-bugs can outcompete the super-bugs.

So we add one twist to the model.  Suppose that my body has a baseline system of defenses that can fight off any bad guy, super- or otherwise, as long as there are sufficiently few of them.  Then, if I stop taking the drug too early, my defenses may still overwhelmed by the sheer numbers.  All the bugs start growing again and if I started with just a few super-bugs in me, then when I start to show symptoms again I now have lots of them.  However, had I continued to completion, all of the wimpy-bugs would be gone and my body’s natural defenses could have mopped up the few super-bugs that were left hanging around.

It’s a coherent theory.  But I am not sure I believe that it is quantitatively important.  So I still find the advice a little mysterious.  Any of you know better?

Honestly I have no good theory.  Here are some rejected ones:

  1. They are the only ones sufficiently lacking in self-respect.
  2. Since ads drive everything what matters is the audience still watching at halftime.  By that time the geezers have already drunk enough to be glued to their sofas, but not enough yet to be asleep.
  3. Only Pete Townsend’s generation knows how to count to XLIV.
  4. It’s a kind of best-of the has-beens competition.  A shadow rock-and-roll hall of fame.
  5. You can hide their spectacles and tell them its Carnegie Hall.
  6. Minimizes the, ehem, fallout from wardrobe malfunctions.

Eddie Dekel points out the following puzzling fact.  At the gym most people wipe down the exercise machines and benches after they use them and not before.  There are a few obvious social benefits of this policy.  For one, you know better than your successor where the towel is most advantageously deployed.  Also, the sooner that stuff is removed, the better.

But still it’s a puzzle from the point of view of dynamic efficiency.  With this system everyone mops once.  But there exists a welfare improving re-allocation where one guy doesn’t mop and after him everyone mops before using the machine.  Nobody’s worse off and that one guy is better off.  A Pareto improvement.

In fact the ex-post-mop regime is especially unstable because that one guy has a private incentive to trigger the re-allocation.  He’s the one who saves effort.  So from an abstract point of view this is indeed a puzzle.   Moreover, there is this Seinfeldian insight that complicates things even further.

ELAINE: Never mind that, look at the signal I just got.

GEORGE: Signal? What signal?

ELAINE: Lookit. He knew I was gonna use the machine next, he didn’t wipe his sweat off. That’s a gesture of intimacy.

GEORGE: I’ll tell you what that is – that’s a violation of club rules. Now I got him! And you’re my witness!

ELAINE: Listen, George! Listen! He knew what he was doing, this was a signal.

GEORGE: A guy leaves a puddle of sweat, that’s a signal?

ELAINE: Yeah! It’s a social thing.

GEORGE: What if he left you a used Kleenex, what’s that, a valentine?

(conversations with Asher, Ron, Juuso and Eddie.  I take all the blame.)

This is a really affordable, reliable and widely available red from Allegrini.  It’s a blend of Corvina and Rondinella grapes – don’t ask me for any French analogs, I have no idea.  And there’s a bit of Sangiovese chucked in.  This makes for a complex, multidimensional wine.  Blackberry and cherry notes but it’s still dry and not too sweet.  They blend the wine with dried grapes just like an Amarone.  This gives it a heft and a deep red color.  Luckily, it does not have the road tar consistency of an Amarone.  At under $20 it’s  a great value for this level of quality.